The war in syria and its consequences on lebanon Research Paper - 1

The war in syria and its consequences on lebanon - Research Paper Example The armed opposition is an alliance of various groups, which were formed during the conflict to protect the civilian protestors and face off the government forces. This civil conflict has however progressed to become a regional problem, affecting other countries that have remained neutral to the domestic issues that are facing the country. As opposed to being an effort to eliminate Assad leadership in Syria, the conflict has graduated into a sectarian conflict, leading to emergence of Alawite government forces and pro-government militias made up of members of the Shia tribe (White 16). The opposition is dominated by members of the Sunni tribe, a situation that has led to an increase in foreign interference in the course of the war. For example, in 2013, the Hezbollah terrorist group joined the civil war to fight alongside government forces and defeat the Sunni dominated opposition forces. As the war progresses, its impacts have been felt beyond the borders of Syria, spilling to neighboring countries, which are currently, faced with major insecurity challenges. Lebanon, a country with the longest borderline with Syria is considered as one of the few neighboring countries that have significantly been affected by the civil war. As a result, the Syrian conflict has had significant security challenges to Lebanon as the fight has virtually spilt into the country. This has further affected the economy and the healthcare sector in the country as major basic and social amenities are suspended as has been witnessed in the war torn Syria (Dahi 12). Despite the ravaging ramification of the Syrian internal conflict, scholars have made little effort to bring to the fore its effects to peace and stability in neighboring countries. Efforts have concentrated on how the war has affected the social and economic stability of Syria and how the Assad and opposition

MULTINATIONAL CORP-EVOL & CUR ISSUE Movie Review - 1

MULTINATIONAL CORP-EVOL & CUR ISSUE - Movie Review Example The country’s policy maker on financial and economic matters, the Fed has adopted lax standards as pertains to trade and lending standards. The Fed had adopted a policy that would stir activity in the economy by increasing the leverage ratios for commercial banks and other financial institutions. The Banks took advantage of this policy by borrowing capital in bulk and use the capital to create massive amounts in subprime loans (Barnett). This made mortgages very affordable and many citizens opted to build or buy their house on a mortgage(s). The amount of household debt in the United States quadrupled by the time the housing bubble burst. In a bid to clamp down on the rogue nature of banks and avoid the housing debt from growing any further, the Fed tightened its policy on the banks’ leverage ratios. This adjustment would cause the commercial banks to increase the cost of financing mortgages. This proved to be a challenge for many Americans as the new repayment stipulations increased the cost of the mortgage by over 100%. Huge defaulters in payments had their property repossessed causing the burst of the housing bubble. This bubble was mainly triggered by the increase in disposable income for savings. During the 2000 to 2007 period, there was a great increase and growth in the global fixed income securities. This increase in disposable income encouraged the development of economic bubbles all over the world. As these factors came into play, each bubble burst one after the other as such a business model is not sustainable over time. This led to the overall decrease in the value of assets. When the fall in value occurred, most banks opted to cut back on lending leading to the credit crunch. This caused a general inability of consumers and governments to borrow stifling investment and consumption. This led to the general decrease in business for companies and corporates as demand considerably decreased (United States Financial Inquiry

Revolutions and insurgencies Essay Example for Free

Revolutions and insurgencies Essay Today and Tomorrow – 4th and 5th Generation Warfare The generational theory of warfare indicates a near orderly transformation of wars from the Napoleonic era to the present day, some what neatly divided into four eras. Levee en masse and the concept of nations at wars led to what is referred to as 1st generation warfare. On the other hand an age dominated by firepower spanning the First World War denotes the 2nd generation of wars, while 3rd Generation warfare includes and transcends the Second World War and was dominated by maneuver. Today’s warfare is the next generation of wars which are targeted at the opponents political will and not necessarily the military and are fought by a series of networks operating in tandem, political, social, economic and military. This era is being increasingly referred to as 4th Generation wars. (Hammes, 2004). 4th Generation warfare is one in which monopoly of the state over war has been broken by the non state actor, be it the Al Qaeda, the Tamil Tigers, Hezbollah or the Taliban. In some cases the state and the non state actor seem to be acting in tandem as the recent war in the Middle East denotes where the Hezbollah was considered by many as a proxy of Syria and Iran. This is one of the defining paradigms of 4th Generation war where the difference between the state and the non state seems to have been blurred. (Lind, 2004). Martin von Creveld also tends to support the premise set out hitherto fore by stating that unconventional wars waged against conventional forces are increasingly becoming the order of the day. (Creveld, 1991). The wars of the future are as per Creveld (1991) low intensity conflicts where tempo and intensity will be below that of conventional wars. Armies would increasingly have to tailor their resources to combat these types of conflicts as per Creveld (1991). This generational shift will evidently explain the emerging continuum of insurgencies which have transformed from massed revolutions of the 1940’s to network distributed conflicts of the 21st Century. This new revolution is thus replicating 4th and some would even argue 5th Generation warfare which is fought by non states and small groups, is driven by fundamentalist ideology and is technology fixated. The defining form of 4th Generation warfare is that the military has perhaps lost its primacy in waging wars and the state undoubtedly so. (Hammes, 2004). Thus the centre of gravity as is commonly understood in warfare and in the Clausewitzian trinity is no longer the military but the will of the people and the state to fight. (Hammes, 2004). Peters (1999) has also indicated these shifting trends where the American military which has invested so much in conventional weapons may find these irrelevant in wars of the future. This being the central theme, thus the targets become extremely diffused and are not necessarily military but include a series of possible networks within society such as political, economic, military, social and so on thereby ultimately impacting the mind of the populace to give up the fight. The Hezbollah and the Taliban have very well understood this theme. In the recent Lebanon war, Hezbollah rockets rained on civilian targets while the guerrillas were more attuned to take Israeli soldiers as prisoners. The Taliban is even more suave attempting to undermine the resolve of Western forces to wage war in Afghanistan by tactics such as kidnapping and hostage taking forcing states to accede to its demands. The United Nations is now planning to evolve a policy response for hostage taking such has been the impact of these unconventional means. The tactics used by the 4th Generation warrior to achieve his ends are innovative. The use of the small group is primary to success. In some cases even an individual terrorist can be used effectively to break the political will of the government and the people. The Madrid bombings would denote the most significant example of this new phenomenon which by targeting a large population and causing extensive casualties, the will of the government to fight a conventional war was effectively negated. The relevance of large groups operating in small nodes is also evident with Al Qaeda whose leaders have succeeded in remaining elusive for over half a decade even as the best technology and manpower seeks out Bin Laden across the globe achieving their aims with impunity across the globe. As per Creveld (1991), modern armed forces were organizationally and equipment wise not perfectly suited to fight such a war. Peters (1999) has also indicated that modern arms and armament may not be relevant to the wars of the future. What is of concern however is that conflict trends are already proliferating towards the next stage, 5th generation wars though this is still a disputed concept. Lind (2004) for instance argues that we have not yet fully assimilated the contours of 4th Generation wars, hence contemplating the next generation may be too premature. What then emerges is perhaps, â€Å"Four and a half generation of warfare† where the state is attempting to remain relevant in the years ahead. Others as Lane (Nd) are not so sure, they presage the diffusion of technology empowering individuals in the same way as states in the first three generations have been or the non state in the fourth one. What is remarkable about these postulates is that these are increasingly being made by non military thinkers. Ideology has a central role in 4th Generation warfare. Thus dogma is used to effectively link a large group of people spread across the globe. The aim of the warrior may not be per se a change in ideology itself, it would be merely to use emotional strings in beliefs, in religion, societies and governments to evoke mass reactions thereby achieving the central aim of the perpetrator to create discord. (Lane, Nd). The use of technology is very elucidative. It is used to leverage advantages of a networked organization, scalability of conflict, exploit information and create a borderless world. (Lane, Nd). The impact of media and technology would be evident with the video tapes of Osama Bin Laden regularly promulgated across the globe giving a message of blood and mayhem to followers of the faith. Technology and information is used as a medium to wage war as also as a target of conflict in 5th generation warfare. (Fifth Generation Warfare, 2005). The Cell phone for instance is a means of communication as well as a trigger rigged to remotely explode bombs in far off places. The adaptation of technology by fifth generation warriors is much faster than that of state warriors. The above survey would indicate that insurgency and revolutionary wars are increasingly replicating 4th and 5th Generation warfare fought by non states and small groups, driven by fundamentalist ideology and supported by technology. Thus as Wilcox and Wilson (2002) indicate warriors of the future will be organized along small independent action forces (SIAF) or cells without any need for a logistics base and with psychological rather than physical goals. We should not be surprised if both these generations exist simultaneously, where wars are increasingly fought by a triad of states, non states and empowered small groups. By seeing through these paradigms can we be better prepared to withstand its rigors.

Debut Albums and Happy Birthday Essay Example for Free

Debut Albums and Happy Birthday Essay May you have all the joy your heart can hold, all the smiles a day can bring, all the blessings a life can unfold, may you get the world’s best in everything. Wishing you a Happy Birthday! You are like an angel because you’ve touched the life of every person you’ve met. You deserve the best and the most special of Birthdays so that you can touch the lives of a thousand more people. Happy Birthday! In the journey of your life, may you count your successes with each passing Birthday and may you never have to look back on any regrets of your life. Happy Birthday dear! Some like sunday some like monday, but i like your birthday.happy birthday my On this wonderful day, I wish you the best that life has to offer! Happy Birthday! Sending you my love on your birthday and everyday. On this wonderful day, a star of pure love appeared to be my giftmy present and my futuryou!! I am very thankful for all the joy you bring into my life! Happy Birthday!! Today is a perfect day to tell you that you are a wonderful friendWith each year Ill love you more. Remember that your best years are still ahead of you and Ill be there for every up down and in between. Happy Birthday, my angel! If I could, I would write it across the sky so that everyone could see it and know that you are truly loved! I wish I could attach my heart to this Birthday wish. Thats how much you mean to me. Have a happy and fun-filled Birthday! On your birthday lets celebrate our past, our today and our future! I love my life with you!

Effect of New Labour on Social Policy for Children

Effect of New Labour on Social Policy for Children The Preventive State. How far has New Labour changed the direction and scope of social policy for children and families? New Labour has reformed the scope and direction of social policy in the United Kingdom indelibly. These changes have permeated every level and shade of social policy related to children and families. The tax credits system, and in particular the Child Tax Credit and Working Tax Credit system has been introduced; fathers have gained more extensive paternity rights; parents with young children and parents with disabled children now enjoy the right to ask employers for more flexible working hours and a minimum wage has been introduced. This essay will explain the various social policy initiatives which have been formulated by New Labour and will attempt to explain the impact these have had upon children and families. An examination of how far New Labour has changed the direction and scope of social policy for children and families necessitates an examination of how the Labour Party traditionally dealt with policy in this area, and inevitably the transition from Old Labour to New Labour will have to be looked at since this has probably represented the single biggest catalyst for political change relating to social policy. In this way the question of how far New Labour have changed the direction and scope of social policy for children and young families will be evaluated and answered. Also, the question of whether the social policy objectives of New Labour allow one to characterise New Labour as the ‘Preventive State’ will be addressed throughout the essay. What is ‘New Labour’? New Labour was the name given to the Labour Party under the leadership of Tony Blair. New Labour swept to power with a landslide victory over the Conservatives in 1997. Prior to 1997, Labour had not been in power since James Callaghan’s Labour party lost power to Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative Party in 1979. Historically, the Labour Party in Britain has been the main left wing political party, and was built upon strong association with the trade union movement (Minkin, (1991))[1]. The historical concerns and ideology of the Labour Party, before the transition to New Labour has been set in context by Bevir (2005): ‘The leading figures in the early Labour Party Keir Hardie, Philip Snowden, and Ramsay MacDonald condemned capitalism in much the same terms as had the ethical socialists. Snowden condemned the competitive market for bringing out our animal instincts not our moral ones; it makes men hard, cruel, selfish, acquisitive economic machines†¦..Snowden followed Webbs theory of interest as analogous to land rent, arguing that just as the landlord gets an unearned income from the increase in the value of land, so the capitalist gets an unearned increment from improvements in productive methods and in other ways not the result of his own efforts or abilities. MacDonald followed the Webbss denunciation of the uncoordinated nature of the market, arguing that whereas capitalism relied on a haphazard and chaotic clash of individual interests, socialism would eliminate waste by organising economic life on a scientific basis†¦[2]’. Tony Blair became leader of the Labour Party in 1994, after the death of John Smith, and gradually came to realise that ideological reform of the foundations of the party, as expressed above were necessary if Labour were to be regarded as a credible party in the eyes of voters. Therefore, ‘New Labour’ came to represent this ideological shift which rejected the old democratic socialist underpinnings of the Labour Party in favour of neo-liberal policies, which had proven so popular under the premiership of Margaret Thatcher. This ideological shift drew the Labour Party further to the centre-right, and led to much division among the ranks of Labour Party members who saw this development as positive and progressive and those who regarded it as incongruous with the traditional function of the Labour Party. Therefore, Labour, as a party has undergone considerable change in the last two decades, and this process of change can mainly be attributed to the transition from Old Labour, with its focus on traditional socialist values, to New Labour, a party whose ideologies had shifted towards the centre-right and which seem to be driven more by political pragmatism than by any particular allegiance to ideology. The writings of Denver et al. (1998) give us more guidance on the rationale and impetus for this transition to New Labour: ‘†¦After private polling immediately following the 1992 general election and again at the end of that same year revealed that, among wavering Conservative voters, the Labour Party was regarded as too old fashioned, too tied to the past, too linked to minorities rather than majorities, and too associated with old images of the trades unions, Hill wrote that the party lacked clear identity and was the party of the past.†¦.The view that, notwithstanding any opinion poll leads Labour might gain, the party would not win an election unless it reassessed itself in a fundamental manner was held among a group of party modernisers, including Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, Harriet Harman, Peter Mandelson, and Philip Gould. The 1992 defeat confirmed these modernisers view that fundamental changes were necessary†¦.Their target included both the left and the right of the party. Harold Wilson, James Callaghan, Tony Crosland, and Tony Benn were all equally identified with the flawed politics of old Labour. In Blairs view, â€Å"Labour needed a quantum leap to become a serious party of government again.†¦.His project, as first publicly articulated in his 1995 party conference speech, was to eradicate all aspects of party doctrine and ethos, of policies and strategies, that were of the past†¦.[3]’. The changes to the ideological foundations of the Labour Party, brought about principally by Blair, have in turn precipitated wide reaching change to the social policy which is now espoused by the Labour Party, and these changes have arguably impacted upon families and children more sharply than they have impacted upon any other groups or sectors. The next sections will chart these changes to the social policy perspective of the Labour Party under Blair and will attempt to relate this discussion to the situation of families and children. In a wider sense, this discussion will address the issue of whether New Labour can be regarded as a ‘preventive state’. New Labour in Power New Labour has changed the face of social policy which can be seen to have a direct effect upon the family and children. The introduction of the minimum wage in 1999; the revolutionary idea of allowing fathers paternity rights and the ideas about flexible working arrangements for women, parents with children and disabled people have all had the effect of bringing the institution of the family in the UK into the modern era. Labour have worked to reduce poverty and to improve working arrangements for those with families, partly as an expression of commitments to ‘popular’ politics, but also as a necessary series of measures to ensure that the UK complies with the requirements of European Union. This section will examine these measures, how they have come about and how effective they have been at changing the direction and scope of social policy within the UK. When Labour took power in the 1997 General Election, they promised to radically reform government policy to make it appeal more to the average voter, they promised to eliminate ‘sleaze’ which had been a central flaw in the previous Conservative administration, and they also promised to radically reform their own party, not just ideologically but in terms of a general democratic function, which they argued had put too wide a distance between Government and groups including families and children[4]. Therefore Labour was committed to make the party more geared towards the concerns of contemporary voters who saw issues relating to family and children as important. These were all rhetorical promises, of course, yet nonetheless they can be regarded as being of particular significance to the core social policies which were to emerge following the election of the fledgling Labour Government in 1997. The appointment of Frank Field in 1997, as Welfare Reform Minister communicated the first message that the object of this radical rhetoric was to be social policy, in particular. Field identified flaws in the social policy system which had been inherited from the Conservatives, and these problems, according to Field emanated from the antiquated system of means testing for benefits. Mainly, Field objected to the fact that the social security system, in particular the system of means testing seemed to create disincentives for those returning to work, after a period of dependency on benefits. This flaw, in particular, affected children and families because many families with young children faced the decision either to return to work, or to remain on benefits with an adult in the home to look after the child or children. However, Field’s rationale in regards to means testing did not find favour with the Government. However, Field’s proposals for reform of the youth employme nt policies fared a little better. The New Deal for eighteen to twenty four year olds was introduced as a way of addressing wider social concerns about youth unemployment and a link between crime or ‘anti-social’ behaviour and young people leaving education with few qualifications or prospects. This policy was arguably the main social policy reform introduced during the tenure of Frank Field[5]. The New Deal was first publicised in October 1997, as part of the Government’s ‘Welfare to Work’ strategy, and was a policy directed at providing work opportunities for young people leaving school at eighteen, and was also intended to indirectly benefit those families who had young people living in the family home just after that young person had left education. The New Deal was not a new conception. As a policy, it was first introduced by F. D. Roosevelt to deal with the consequences of the depression in America, in the early 1930s. However, the Labour Government of 1997 adopted the ‘New Deal’ brand to communicate a policy which was targeted towards young people, and was intended to operationalise New Labour’s social policy objective of encouraging young people aged 18-24 to enter the UK workforce. In this sense, the social policy initiatives which were products of the tenure of Frank Field can be regarded as ‘preventive’ since they recognised the problems which disillusioned youths might pose to society if they were not encouraged to follow a smooth transition from schooling to the world of work. However, Field’s tenure as Minister for Welfare Reform was thwarted by Cabinet feuds and grassroots suspicions (in particular from backbenchers) that a radical reform of the social security system would disenfranchise those within the Labour Party who remained loyal to socialist ideology[6]. Therefore, although it is true that Frank Field did not precipitate radical reform of the social security system or wider social policy, he did lay the foundations for Labour’s social security policy focus which was pivoted upon encouraging individual self sufficiency and recognition that working was more beneficial than reliance upon the support of the social security system. Ironically therefore, although Field’s title as Minister for Welfare Reform would have suggested otherwise, Field’s ideas were regarded as too revolutionary, and even as subversive by some. The translation of Field’s reform ethos was arguably stunted while he was in power, for many reasons , but principally because, during this time New Labour struggled to repudiate old socialist ideological ideas, which traditionally and historically were central to the Labour Party. The reform of means testing became government policy in 1998[7], and the conception of welfare rights coupled with ‘responsibility’ reflected a wider rationale which encouraged people on welfare to regard state support as a mechanism which might be relied upon where an option to support oneself was impossible as opposed to undesirable. We have seen this rationale continue into 2006, with the recent reform of Incapacity Benefit, which is now more difficult to claim. These reforms of the social security system, although some have not been specifically targeted at children and families, have indirectly benefited children and families in significant ways. However, if one looks to the reform of the tax credit system, New Labour’s direct concern to change the circumstances of families and children, by implementing the rationales which have been explained above can be seen more sharply. The Child Tax and Working Tax Credit System The 2000 Budget communicated the Government’s plans to revise the benefits system, and this process resulted in the creation of the tax credits system, which was intended to be a singular system which would provide social welfare support to families, disabled people, low income employees and children which had previously been available through a plethora of complex individual benefit schemes. In particular, the system replaced the WFTC (Working Family Tax Credit) and the DPTC (Disabled Person Tax Credit) systems. The tax credit system was aimed at operationalising New Labour’s commitment to eradicating poverty and social exclusion, especially poverty among children and families. Tax credits were also intended to target relief towards those who were in need of it the most, and financially reward families for choosing to work. A special tax credit was also introduced and this was aimed at assisting families with young children with childcare costs, which arose because a parent needed to work. The tax credit system was seen by many as the Government’s response to the criticism that families who worked were not much better off financially than families who did not work and sought financial support from the social security system. The system of tax credits was also seen as a way to eliminate the problem with the previous means testing approach to welfare calculation which tended to heavily penalise those families and individuals who had savings. The tax credit system was operationalised alongside targets to reduce child poverty rates and specifically to deal with the fact that Britain was criticised as having one of the highest child poverty rates in Europe. However, the tax credit system is a transitional policy initiative and has suffered from various criticisms which have resulted directly from the transitional nature of the system. Current criticisms of the tax credit system point to the persistent problem of over payments which have to be recovered from low income families. The bureaucracy of the system has also encountered heavy criticism, in much the same way as the Child Support Agency has under New Labour. Also, under New Labour the Housing Benefit and Council tax systems have remained largely untouched, and this can arguably be criticised as an inconsistent social welfare policy approach. The rationale for this particular critique is that the problems which prompted reform of the social welfare system and the resultant introduction of the tax credit system still exist, albeit in different niches within the social welfare system, giving rise to an inconsistent and inadequate reform focus. Children and Anti-Social Behaviour New Labour has also been radical in dealing with concerns about anti-social behaviour in children. Their approach has arguably been to impose a more paternalistic and authoritarian culture upon young children, while at the same time increasing the responsibilities and duties which parents owe to their children, and those children in their care. These trends have taken shape in the form of the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 and the Anti-Social Behaviour Act 2003, which has classified littering, causing criminal damage, vandalism, noise, hoax calls and street drinking amongst other things as anti-social behaviour. New Labour: The Preventive State? New Labour can be seen to have assumed the mantle of the ‘preventive state’ given the focus it has directed towards, dealing with the ‘causes[8]’ of crime and dysfunction in the youth sector and in relation to the family. This focus, coupled with New Labour’s focus on trying to eradicate poverty through the welfare initiatives which have been explained above, and the attempts which have been made to make youth transition from the end of education to the beginning of employment more smooth (i.e. the New Deal initiative) has cast Labour as being concerned with preventing problems associated with the family and children before they arise. In this sense, New Labour can certainly be seen as a ‘preventive’ state. Their concerns are paternalistic in the context. However, one only has to turn to the provision of social services within the UK to see the converse of new Labour’s role as a preventive state. In particular, the death of Victoria Climbie provoked criticism that the social services system, under the supervision of the Blair administration was grossly inadequate and fraught with flaws which undermined the institution of the family and endangered to position of children by failing those vulnerable individuals who either need assistance from the state to help them support children, or those individuals who are children and indirectly need to state to provide this support to those caring for them. The next section of the essay will examine this critique of the New Labour Government. Children and Social Services in the UK New Labour has implemented a series of legislative initiatives aimed at protecting the situation of the child in the UK. A Children’s Minister (currently Beverley Hughes) has been appointed to oversee the needs of children. The Children’s Act 2004 and the Every Child Matters agenda were aimed to improve and modernise the protections available to children within the UK, a system which had been highlighted as containing serious flaws, particularly in the aftermath of the death of Victoria Climbie, an eight year old child who died following systematic abuse inflicted by her carers, which was not identified by the social services whose ultimate role it had been to oversee Victoria Climbie’s care. These initiatives were aimed at bolstering the protections offered by The Children Act 1989 and responding to a climate of deep unhappiness about New Labour’s handling of the social support mechanisms available to children and families of children who needed to avail of such support. The area of the social services and how these actors assisted families and children was a policy concern largely ignored by the Labour administration when it assumed power. Labour’s concerns, as has been explained above were mainly ideological in focus and concerned ‘bigger picture’ issues which included education, crime, social exclusion, poverty, employment, welfare and other such issues which existed as inter-related and intersecting socio-legal and socio-political policy concerns. It is possible to make an argument therefore that New Labour’s concern for these ‘bigger picture’ issues has resulted in relative neglect of issues which concern policy niches, and policy concerns which exist at a more micro, but nonetheless critical level. Among these niche issues are the services provided to children and families through the social services. Lord Laming’s enquiry into the needs of children in care was established after the death of Victoria Climbie in 2000. Laming published his report in January 2003, and it heavily criticised the government for not having enough communication channels open between agencies working within the social services sector separately, while at the same time serving a singular function to provide support to children and families in need to state support. Therefore, one of Laming’s main recommendations was the formulation of a national database where social services actors would be able to access information about children, nationally. Commenting on Lord Laming’s report, the Children Minister, Barbara Hughes has made the following statement, acknowledging the accuracy of Laming’s criticisms: We have seen the tragic consequences that the failure to intervene early can have, as identified in Lord Lamings report on Victoria Climbie. But even in less extreme circumstances, all too often children who need additional help are faced with services which are not joined up. We need to ensure that professionals work together across service boundaries for the benefit of children†¦..These proposals balance the need to do everything we can to improve childrens life chances whilst ensuring strong safeguards to make sure information stored is minimal, secure and used appropriately. Parents and young people will be able to ask to see their data†¦[9]’. It is clear therefore that New Labour has taken Laming’s concerns seriously and the policy response that New Labour has delivered has been open, direct and speedy. However, this does not absolve the Government of the responsibility for failing to foresee the problems that eventually did arise for families and children because the social services sector had been sidelined while the Government dealt with ‘bigger picture’ issues. Perhaps it is arguable therefore that the Labour Government have changed the direction and scope of social policy ideologically, while failing to understand that grassroots issues such as social services provisions, needed ‘on the ground’ were under resourced and outdated. This rationale can account the apparent contraction in terms which emanates from a vision of the Labour Party as a modernising party who changed the face of social policy indelibly and undoubtedly in positive ways, while simultaneously failing in their responsibility to effectively oversee the operation of services on a more micro level. In this sense, the Labour Party can be critiqued as thinking preventively about ideological and holistic policy concerns while only thinking and behaving reactively to grassroots level services for the family and children. It is clear, however, that lessons have been learned from policy failures and policy ‘gaps’, and while these critiques are certainly serious they are ameliorated through the Labour Party’s willingness to accept criticisms, such as those delivered by Laming and to implement far reaching changes as a response to these. Conclusion In conclusion therefore, the New Labour Government, which has been continuously been in power since 1997 has implemented far reaching change within the area of social policy relating to children and the family. These social policy developments have been explained throughout this essay, and an argument has been made that in many ways, New Labour has drastically changed the direction and scope of social policy within the UK. However, as has been one of the central arguments of this essay; this far reaching change has been manifested more at an ideological than at a grassroots level. In this sense, New Labour can be regarded as being a ‘preventive state’ more at an ideological than at a grassroots level. Grassroots services and social policy concerns relating to the family have recently been highlighted as seriously deficient, but as has been another central argument within this essay, these failures have been offset to an extent by willingness on the part of New Labour to accept and respond constructively to political criticism. Bibliography Books Bevir, M. (2005). New Labour: A Critique. Publisher: Routledge. Place of Publication: London. Denver, D., King, A., McLean, I., Norris, P., Norton, P., Sanders, D. and Seyd, P. (1998) New Labour Triumphs: Britain at the Polls. Publisher: Chatham House Publishers. Place of Publication: Chatham, NJ. Minkin, L. (1991). The Contentious Alliance: Trade Unions and the Labour Party. Publisher: Edinburgh University Press. Place of Publication: Edinburgh. Articles Hayton, A. and Leathwood, C. (2002) Educational Inequalities in the United Kingdom: A Critical Analysis of the Discourses and Policies of New Labour. Title: Australian Journal of Education. Volume: 46. Issue: 2. Anonymous. (2005) Better Services for Children as Government acts on Lord Laming Recommendation. Available at: http://www.egovmonitor.com/node/3938 >>. 1 Footnotes [1] P192. Minkin, L. (1991). The Contentious Alliance: Trade Unions and the Labour Party. Publisher: Edinburgh University Press. Place of Publication: Edinburgh. [2] P133. Bevir, M. (2005). New Labour: A Critique. Publisher: Routledge. Place of Publication: London. [3] P51. Denver, D., King, A., McLean, I., Norris, P., Norton, P., Sanders, D. and Seyd, P. (1998) New Labour Triumphs: Britain at the Polls. Publisher: Chatham House Publishers. Place of Publication: Chatham, NJ. [4] P138+. Hayton, A. and Leathwood, C. (2002) Educational Inequalities in the United Kingdom: A Critical Analysis of the Discourses and Policies of New Labour. Title: Australian Journal of Education. Volume: 46. Issue: 2. [5] See Hayton, A. and Leathwood, C. ((2002) P138+). [6] See Denver et al. ((1998) P201). [7] Under the supervision of Alistair Darling who had succeeded Frank Field as Secretary of State at the Department of Social Security in 1998. [8] As Blair famously remarked in the 1990s. [9] Anonymous. (2005) Better Services for Children as Government acts on Lord Laming Recommendation. Available at: http://www.egovmonitor.com/node/3938 >>.

Poverty and Charity in Jane Eyre Essay -- Jane Eyre Essays

Poverty and Charity in Jane Eyre When Jane Eyre resided at Gateshead Hall, under the care of her aunt, Mrs. Reed, she yearned for a change. The treatment that she received at Gateshead Hall was cruel, unjust, and most importantly, lacked nurture. Jane wanted to escape Gateshead Hall and enter into a school. The school that was imposed upon Jane was Lowood Institution. Through her eight year stay at Lowood, Jane learned how to control her frustrations and how to submit to authority. After leaving Lowood Institution and taking the occupation as governess at Thornfield Hall, Jane realized that her experiences at Gateshead Hall and Lowood Institution had deeply rooted themselves into her personality. After departing Thornfield Hall, Jane wandered about as a vagabond. Arriving at Whitcross, Jane was starving, cold, and in need of help. It is St. John Rivers who aids in helping Jane back to health. Through her experiences at Gateshead Hall, Lowood Institution, and Whitcross, Jane Eyre becomes the recipient of the positive and negative aspects of the New Poor Law depicted by Charlotte Bronte in nineteenth-century England. Under the care of Mrs. Reed, Jane's aunt, Jane is treated as though she is a "wicked and abandoned child" (60; ch. 4). Her "father had been a poor clergyman" (58; ch. 3) and both her parents died from typhus fever. She was given to her motherà ­'s sister-in-law in "promise of Mrs. Reed that she would rear and maintain her as one of her own children" (48; ch. 2). Jane is treated just the opposite. She entered into Gateshead Hall, the residence of the Reeds, in hopes of being brought up a civil and well-nurtured child. Instead, Jane is treated as a subservient child who is abused not only by Mrs. Reed, but also by h... ...cation at Lowood, she still "desired liberty" (117; ch. 10). After searching for a job, Jane realized she was once "an outcast, a beggar, and a vagrant" (387; ch. 31). She becomes grateful for the charity and job as a teacher that Mr. St. John Rivers bestowed upon her. The charity that Mr. Rivers showed towards Jane exemplified the kind of philanthropy that Charlotte Bronte depicted as being genuine; on the other hand, the kinds of treatment that Jane received at Gateshead Hall and Lowood Institution were the types of charity that were governed by the New Poor Law administrators. In Charlotte Bronte's novel, Jane Eyre, she clearly illustrated how she viewed charity and philanthropy under the ruling of the New Poor Law. Works Cited: Bronte, Charlotte. Jane Eyre. London, Penguin Books Ltd.: 1996. (Edited with an Introduction and Notes by Michael Mason).

The 20th centurys 3 greatest composers Essay -- Stravinsky Copland

The 20th century's 3 Greatest Composers The 20th century has watched many musicians break through their generation's bounds of normalcy to creat a completely new music. Musicians who initiated revolutions so grandiose that the impact—like an earthquake’s aftershocks—would reverberate for decades and influence scores of musicians to come. Such influences can be traced back to three specific composers. Igor Stravinsky, Aaron Copland, and Nadia Boulanger: the triumvirate of 20th century music. Igor Stravinsky, remains the century’s most shocking and versatile composer. Born in Russia in 1882, Stravinsky enjoyed a musically wealthy childhood. He was the son of a famous opera singer and well-educated in piano performance and harmony/counterpoint. His parents sent him to St. Petersburg University to obtain a Criminal Law/Legal Philosophy degree. While attending school, Stravinsky befriended a young man whose father, Rimsky-Korsokav, later developed a special affinity for Stravinksy’s music (Nousiainen). Because Stravinsky was not schooled in traditional techniques, Rimsky-Korsakov advised him to continue private harmony and counterpoint lessons, rather than attend a formal conservatory. Rimsky-Korsakov, professor at such an institution, thought the rigorous atmosphere might overwhelm and discourage the young composer (Walsh). Despite this lack of formal training, Stravinsky created some of the 20th century's most profound pieces. The Rite of Spring, Stravinsky’s most notable music contribution, was commissioned by Sergei Diaghilev for the Ballets Russes. For readers unfamiliar with the ballet, Rite choreographs the story of an ancient tribe’s sacrifice of an adolescent virgin whom, in order to save the Earth,... ... of you. What an impression you have left with the music-lovers around the world!† (â€Å"Letter†). This impact is Nadia Boulanger remains the most significant figure of 20th century music. FOOTNOTES [1] This abstract sketch was Stravinsky’s response when author, Robert Craft, asked him to draw his music.The drawing is comparable to the abstract nature of Stravinsky’s compositions (Craft). [2]The phrase â€Å"Appalachian Spring† was first coined by poet Hart Crane.Martha Graham copied his words for her ballet’s already-finished score, which, until then, Copland had modestly titled â€Å"Ballet for Martha† [3] Tanglewood is a premier music academy founded by Boston Symphony director, Serge Koussevitsky, in 1940.His goal was to provide a place for budding musicians to study with orchestra musicians and other world class artists